Russia’s candidacy did not come as a surprise. The government in Moscow has long been eager to return to the forum, from which it was dropped nearly four years ago. In February, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov used a speech in front of the council to excoriate Western democracies for “meddling in the domestic affairs of sovereign states” and imposing “highly dubious ‘values’ . . . unilaterally invented by the West.” Distinctly Soviet in style, Lavrov’s address included accusations of human rights abuses directed at Russia’s democratic neighbors, including the Baltic states.
The Kremlin has also been trying to play up its own record. The position paper drafted by Lavrov’s ministry reads like a novel from George Orwell. Asserting “promotion and protection of human rights” as one of its “overarching priorities,” the Russian government commits to ensuring “strict compliance by states with their international human rights obligations”; “involv[ing] civil society institutions in addressing international issues”; and “enhanc[ing] cooperation with . . . human rights organizations.”
As proof of its compliance, the ministry points to “over 150 responses” it has sent to U.N. monitoring bodies, and to the fact that it “actively engages with regional human rights institutions and mechanisms, in particular . . . the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.”
Sadly for the Kremlin, such claims can be easily checked against the public record. Here is one telling example. In January 2019, U.N. mandate-holders sent a joint communication to the Russian government about the murders of three Russian investigative journalists working to uncover the activities of the shadowy Wagner mercenary group and its patron, top Kremlin confidant Yevgeniy Prigozhin, in Africa. Among other things, the rapporteurs specifically requested the Russian authorities “to investigate any link or involvement of the Wagner Group . . . in military operations in the Central African Republic.”
Weeks later, the Russian government sent a vague bureaucratic non-response that left this and other key requests unaddressed. Does Lavrov count this among the “over 150 responses” his officials sent to Geneva?
Often, the Kremlin doesn’t even go to this much trouble. In November 2018, the U.N. Working Group on arbitrary detention requested that the Russian government “immediately” release its longest-held political prisoner, Alexei Pichugin, whose detention was found contrary to international law. This time, the response was silence.